Getting Magistration Right

How do criminal defendants in Texas get legal representation?

Do courts appoint lawyers for people who can’t afford them?

Do attorneys make a difference in people’s cases?

In partnership with Arnold Ventures, the Deason Center’s Non-Representation Project investigates why criminal defendants in Texas are – or are not – represented by an attorney. The project uses data from across the state, including deep dives into 4 counties, 3 of which are rural. The results of the project highlight the issue of non-representation in misdemeanor courts.

 

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What is non-representation?

In some Texas counties almost no defendants in misdemeanor court are ever represented by a lawyer in their case.

Some defendants choose to represent themselves, a right that the Supreme Court has said every defendant has provided they do it freely and in full knowledge of the risks. But when no defendants are represented by lawyers at all, it raises questions about whether defendants truly chose not to be represented, or simply never had the option. The non-representation project digs behind the numbers to understand what’s really driving those trends.

How do defendants get lawyers in Texas?

In most counties, Texas law says counsel must be appointed within three days of the receipt of a request.

Project Details

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Findings

Almost every defendant experienced non-representation at some point in their case in the four non-representation project counties. Only a very small number who had been able to retain lawyers had legal counsel present at magistration. In later stages of the cases, some applied for counsel and received it, while others retained a lawyer privately. The Center’s data allow a deep dive into when defendants are represented, and by whom, in each county.

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Who is most likely to experience non-representation?

Why would certain groups of people experience non-representation at different rates to another? Defendants with Hispanic ethnicity make up the largest minority group in the non-representation project data. As a group, Hispanic people in Texas have , which might imply Hispanic defendants would have greater need for appointed counsel.

In non-representation project data, a defendant’s Hispanic status is generally inferred from data generated at the time they were booked into a county jail. The entry of Hispanic status into the jail’s data system is generally performed by a jail staff member. It is impossible to know for sure whether those staff members record Hispanic status in the way the defendants themselves would report it.

Using multiple regression techniques, the team first controlled for the types of accusation against each defendant, and whether they faced multiple co-occurring cases or not. The team also controlled for racial categories usually regarded as separate from Hispanic ethnicity – including whether a person was identified as White, Black, Asian, or Native American.

The analyses below answer the question: after holding those things constant, did Hispanic defendants experience non-representation at different rates to non-Hispanic defendants?

Across three of our counties, the Center’s analysis found evidence that Hispanic defendants in fact experience non-representation at lower rates, at least at certain points in their cases. In two, the analysis also found evidence that rates of appointed counsel were higher for these defendants.

Methodology

The non-representation project team coded data from a total of 2,370 cases across four counties. Data were coded from a variety of primary documents and electronic data including court case files, county attorney files, the files of magistrate judges, and jail databases. Project staff traveled to all four counties in person and obtained copies of original documents and data directly from electronic and paper filing systems in each location. While on site, project staff also met with and interviewed local justice system officials and staff. Documents, field notes, and electronic data were transported back to the Deason Center for coding and analysis by the research team. Project Coordinator Sirivore developed a coding system for cases that could capture each defendant’s legal representation status at three points in their cases: their magistration, their arraignment, and their case disposition. The coding scheme also required coders to review and record details of any applications for counsel the defendant submitted, as well as many other details about the cases including dates of court appearances, the nature of case dispositions and sentences, the defendant’s demographics, their criminal history, and any time spent in jail pretrial. All research assistants underwent several days of training in use of the coding instrument, and their work was subject to continual review for quality during their time on the project. In coordination with county officials, the project team sought to identify samples of approximately 600 closed cases. Because the team intends to perform comparative analyses between cases where defendants were represented by retained, appointed, or no counsel, attempts were made to assure a relatively even balance across these three categories among the cases sampled. Because, of course, these three groups do not in fact appear evenly in the data, over-sampling and re-weighting were used to compensate. Magistration records in Espejo were unavailable for cases magistrated before 2019. In Cactus, a subset of cases with magistration dates in the early 2000s were administratively closed during our data collection period, and these also lacked any surviving magistration records. These cases were dropped from all analyses on this page because the lack of records made it impossible to chart defendant counsel status at these early stages of their cases. In Hinkley County, unclear data on counsel type sometimes prevented the project team knowing whether counsel was acting under court-appointed or privately-retained auspices. Those cases were retained in the data, but limit their usefulness, as reflected in the caveats included with the analyses above. The disparity findings reported are based on logistic regression models run in each county. The analyses examined differences in rates of three types of representation – appointed, retained, and non-representation – at each of three stages of defendants’ cases – magistration, arraignment, and disposition. Reported findings are accordingly based on results of nine models run for each county, except Hinkley where data were insufficient to compare retained and appointed counsel rates. The regression analyses held constant the original charge against the defendant (11 categories: assault (family violence), assault (other), marijuana, drugs (other), driving while intoxicated (first degree), driving while intoxicated (second degree), driving with license suspended, theft, theft by check, traffic offenses, and ‘other’); whether the defendant had a co-occurring case; and the defendant’s race and Hispanic ethnicity. Co-occurring cases were recorded when a defendant was simultaneously accused in a separate case in the county. In two counties – Bluebonnet and Cactus – this was inferred from a search of the county’s court case database. In Espejo and Hinkley, it was inferred from the timelines of all cases in which the defendant appeared in the project dataset. Where a defendant was either accused in two cases arising from the same incident, or already had a prior unresolved case at the time they were arrested, they were considered to have a ‘co-occurring case’. Regression results verified that co-occurring cases were significantly (and positively) related to representation by counsel for defendants in several counties. Differences for Hispanic defendants in rates of representation were regarded as significant at the p<0.05 level. Regression models were run with several specifications, including collapsing race categories in different ways, none of which altered the substantive conclusions reported on this page. Full results can be obtained from the authors on request.

Acknowledgment

Much of the data gathered by the non-representation project team could not have been obtained without the invaluable assistance of officials and staff in the justice systems of the counties the team selected for study. All counties are pseudonymous throughout this report, so these individuals cannot be named. The Deason Center is deeply grateful for their assistance, without which this work would not have been possible.